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Full text of "X Collection 182A"

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LC Control Number 



clc96 000409 



X Collection 
INDEX 



Page: j_ 



Barcode Number 

LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 



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LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 

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020 534 755 
LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 

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020 534 756 2 



Box Number 



77 



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Total of 
Volumes 



5g- 



57 



Call Number 



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Box Number 


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Volumes 


Call Number 


LIB 

i mm ii 


LIBI 

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tints gro0en Detrffdjen 

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2)on einem ©iefiltmgsfacbmann 



Flugblatt aus „Deutschlands Erneuerung" 

Monatsschrift fur das deutsche Volk 

Schrittleitung: Dr. E. Kuhn 




3. 3. Cebmanns SBerlag, 9tttm(feen 





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kffimmutt9$redtf 
bet ifofertouef f en 

in 33erfm am PPttdflffonna^enO 1919 



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in Berlin am pfingfffonnabenb 1919 




©euffdje £erfag^nffaff 
<5f uf fgarf u. Serfin 1919 



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Die Sozialpolitik x 

im Friedensvertrag ^-3 
und im Volkerbund 



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Von 



Dr. Ludwig Heyde 

Qeiieralsekretar dtr Gesellschaft fur Soziale Reform 




Jena 

Verlag von Oustav Fischer 

1919 



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B^rid)ter)!attung 
dec Delegation 6ec Jranffucter fttlfepoli^eu 

"tiir hen tedutifcben Xeil .teicfjnett als oerantroortlict) bie ©enoffen Albert 
«i« un ®to«8 sjubert. Seibe ©enoffen fjaben gemeinjdjafttid, bas TOa ; 
total gefammelt unb ben Serial ausgearbeitet. Sfit ben polittjajen Xetl 
Set als oerantmortlidt ©enoife «»ett Sttet aMn. 
'Set aSorfitanbe ber SSetfammlung bet grantfurter SilTspoItjetmonn- 
itfmfte. eroffnete punlt 3 Uf,r bie ftarf bejudtfe SBetfammlung unb ertettte 
lem Kenoffen Stie* bas sHSott wi 25erid,terftattung ubex ben po rtifdjen let 

©enoie Sttet: ©efdjafcte Xktjammlung! SBette ©eno||en! SBtet iBodjeu 
Knb netaanaen, ats bie 93e'ttrauensmanner ber jjttfepoltwi Swnffutt in ben 
Stamen ■ Kolt 3 eiptajlbtums tagten. ~sn btejer Setfammtung tte&en unx uns 
Jon bem ©ebanten leiten, SBUttel unb sBtfle 3 U finben, urn bie *«i 
fbtex bejtefjenben Dxganifation metier unb beflet ausjubaiien Abet u^e 
atone tub rooI)l bie roi^tiqfte Stage jollte geli5|t merbeit unb pat: ffias |o I 
aSeLn urn geeignete unb aualimierte ©enofien ber &«fspoflaei tn «—. 
nalen unb taatlid,cn Stemtetn untet 3 ubttn 9 en? Sa,u muxben jioet .Sete- 
gfette Mtimnit, bie ben Stufttag erijielten, in ben uetfatebenen aw&eren 
ltdbten biesbe^iiglidjes Material 3 u fammeln. ffih Jtnb heute tn ber Sage, 
3t)nen folgenbes JKatetial p untexbiciten unb ju betijrten: 

-Xn alien Stabten, bie oh beud)ten, war es uns etmas Selb|toei|tanb- 
lidies auS bie SBetfammlungen ju befuajen fooett es uns mSgltdj roar, tag 
Sere V Stamen. UebetaU in biefen Set ammlungen tanben pit tjofje 
Saeiitcrumi unb neucn flammenbeu Rampfesmut ber teooluttonaxen 2lr= 
Sue ma D?ne 5«rcft unb 3<xgen jdjaueu fie ben tomntenben Xagen unb 

Sian Sn entg gen Met Stugen jtab auf bas HSuten ber totecex neu er= 
SSS loftSSS geticbtet, bie als 3Biitgengei ber Heuo ution bte reooli= 
ondren ffllajen nieb'erjebiagt UebetaU, tootjin man blirft, |tnb bte 3>im|ionen 
© rjtenbe Keitoatbt unb mte lie alie b^eiften am 3Bet!e, Me, 9tef on, « 
bVten Wang miebet in ben Sattel 3 u Ijeben &bex mogltd)e unb JWw 
licrjte Sonxtnb roirb bap &cnfl%t unb aurgebau|d,t, urn bte Dleoolutton 
nieber^uringen. 

Bremen. 

3n Bremen murbe ber Jlampr gepn bets *toletatiat birett P™°W« 
unb nom Ratine gebrocbeu. 3n bieiet Stabt fjerridjte Mufje unb Orb- 
n una "n Mebe Sinfid) "is jut Siltnbe, mo bie Stmjion ©eritenberg em= 
2. 3)ie Meqietung batte W trot, yiufforberung ebe Mfbluna «Jj 
gele^nt unb niajt beantmoxtet. ©emaltdretdje ?on leiten et U S. % n 
Sremen finb nitgenbs oorgeiommen. 35te U. to. 'C. rjatte bis mieut me 
Mil te ©emalt iinanxtclt geiufjert. Die IBaljIen roaten oon ber U. 6. $■ auf 

ba bie Spattatiftcn noltfommen mad)tios marert unb untet W £««• W 
plln abtcn. Die ieijige piooifotifdje Stegietung befteljt aus ben fietten 3W% 
Bammet, SBeUmann unb ben beiben (oon ber gan 3 en ^et «rt. ttetidjart 
als Slu^unbe be 3 eid)neten ^etten Setdjmann unb .^nletrnann. Jtefen 
fietten max es nldjt urn SRufje unb Drbnung 3 U tun, biefe max ja Jtets . »oi. 
bauben, mas uns ttebenbei bemexft and) 23iixgexsleute ^er^er en jonbe 
um bte SRegletung unb bie OTadjt an_Jtd, 3 u K ^l Ai ^ l ^%SSS 
$od)|tapler i|t oorlaufig bas 3«1 bes So 3 ia tsmus ette d)t. **M ««» 
ftjr Stiebextum fdjeinen ooxfaufig il)xe Seftlebigung Bcjunben 3 u Pc«. ^ 
^ang unb bie ittegefufjtten SKanen taten ttte g*J^WeUw* «J^ 
abtxeten. 3)ies 3 eigen uns jo beutlid) bie oon bex jefetgen m ebrte » s|walt|t'- 
id)en unb prooijorijd)en SRegietung Stemen ausgearbettete unb "genbanbtg 
untetjeiAneten SJeftimmungen unb Statuten. SHc Stabt. ^.^"/"^'J" 
RepuMH Stemen unb Sremerljaoen beftebt sum Xetl aus Ofttj eten lung « 
I'eutnants, bie als gemeine Solbaten Sienft tun, btcfelben ertjalten bte tob- 

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fara W!*t<frat Sexlin. - 1 StM 2,50 .K, 10 Stef. le 2,30 .*, 

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(Baeltcfccung R. $. RoeljUr, fefpjig) 




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unfer Der Sd)rifHeifung t>on ; IU a u * <£ cf 

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cntonrf; Stoffnnlettung; t>n* „krtrake Schatfen 
im pdlkifdjen £id|t«; «« wUflWfeo »tt8nmng«i 

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Sie nacbfolgenbe Xatftefhmg ift ein 
unoetanbettet SBiebetabbtua* aus 
bctn I. "JJiotgenblatt ber „5tanffuttet 
3eitung" bom 29. 9Kai 1921. 2ie 
gibt einen furjen Uebetblicf iibet bic 
beutfdjc ^ugenbberoegung unbmacbt 
mit einet neucn Etfcbeinung, bet 
,/D}euroetf"=5Beroegung befannt, barf 
alfo mob,! auf ^nteteffe ted)ncn. 



3n einet Shigfotatfje. 
ruelcttc ©6erh>rl> 21 rrt ol 
pollen fat, fas** <i« $ ! 
^ugenb unb feien bod) ga 
man ba urn Sbetljatb 2Jrn 
ifjnen rief: S)a8 ift eben 
be§ $t»feffct8, mie alt l 
jugenb gererfjnet ju metb 

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tcrner SPfingfttref 
bic 9Jtcn|d)cn bet «lugcnb 
Jjeute miebet nc > ifi 

bafj bie 8ug«u B n : 
abbjngt. 3J?an tann mit 
atfjtjig ein bungling fein. , 
met fidj biefe 2tufgefcf)lot 
aud) mit atler SReife, bie e 
m<il8 oit gemotben. Un 
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geldjiaffencn 23etfammlun 
get, unb eg mat eine 
£aflten. SrtSbefonbete a 
imcfs ift. 2>ie ftatut nw 
peat rooffenlofe, tcdjte 2 
2teiben, Spiel unb ©tnft 
fonnte. Steujjetticb, mat 
2agung, bic not etma a 
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etnftct 9Xugfbtad>e. 3"' 
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„ . . . ba Iduteten 
bte (Slocf <m Sturm" 

Das nattonale £ra>ad)en in bcr 
glorretdjen geit son 1927—28 

3rtefe etnes Unbefannten 

6. 21uflacje 








1925 

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KUNSMRUND 

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Bibliothek Sassenbach 

Ortsausschufi Berlin des A. D.G.B. 


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EFN KLENSTLER UND 
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VON 
RKHARD 

OERTMANN 

VERLAG DER 
PHANTASUS G.M.B.H. 

BERUN- 
WILMERSDORF 



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yiutm vui[ roteSctbctommt, Dei itm m un|etem metteten ajcuei-i 
Janbe befannt unb berubmt a,entad)t bat. 

9Hei» 9?amc ift $aafe . . • 

2a* Siibbeuiicrje Sortefoonbenobuteau teilt mit: 91ad) 93tattet= 
metbungcn bat bet Seftetar be§ $rin3en '-Binbifcfifltafc, IRaba, 
Dor bcm Unteriucfmrig&iuefdmfe in s8ubabeft bebauptet, bap 
mit Wiincben Jietfon titfj c 2$etbanblurtfl«n fiber 
btc grantenfalfdjuitfl gcfiiljtt murbett, baft et jmet d)iff* 
rierte SGricfc auf feinet Sie'iie sum ©rafen §encfel mitbefommen 
fiaoe, boit bcncn cinet on fiubenbotf? geridjtct tear, bet ?tdj 
mit bet Mcfdjicbte bet Syatfcbung, bet Saufenbftanfenfcbeine be* 
faiien foil, unb bafc fernet bie 3bee bet Salfcfmng in iDWn^cn 
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Ein Reformprogramm 

fur Staats-, Wirtschafts- und Kulturpolitik 

zur tJberwindung des Radikalismus 




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Stark erweiterter Sonderabdruck aus 
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■HiiiitiiiuiiiiiiiiiiHiittiiiiiiiimiiiiniiiiiimtiiiiiiuiniiiiiiniiiiiutiitiiiHiiiiiiHiiiiiiiii 

3u Bejte^en Bom SSerlag: 

Robert Bergmonn, 5aDe (Soale). Stcintocg 4.M? 

'^oftfrficdtlonto: Scipjtg 274 67. 
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Dr. phil. h. c. Sjand iDcaeger 

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Berlin Jl23 7, <2^aboip(1rage 2 






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Just listen to me for a moment 

my fellow American Students! by Wolfgang von Ranke 



In his speach of August ll' 1 ' 1932 in which he declared his readiness to stand for reelection to the Presidency 
for the Republican party President Hoover made some remarks in connection with the outstanding question of war-debts. 
The essence of his words on this subject was that he did not contemplate cancellation. If you take into consideration 
that it was an electoral speech, there remains the fact that the President of the United States does not at the present 
time dare to broach this question before the American public. 

It may, of course, be difficult to-day for him to admit that the investment policy of the United States as such 
during the "war has at last turned out to be an entire failure. To admit this would at the same time mean the 
admittance that it was a mistake that the United States went into the war against Germany in 1917 for the leading 
men in America had at that time only the one object in mind to save the loans given to the allied powers during 
the first years of the war: the United States could win the war for the Entente powers as they eventually succeeded 
in doing in 191S, but it was an illusion to think that the victory would bring back the money invested in the warfare 
of the allied countries. 

The only sound policy in 1917 would have been to face the losses 
and to bring about a fair peace-treaty between the combattant countries. 

The course the United States did actually take was founded on the French theory that "le Boche payera tout". 
This proposition was economically unsound for it was quite impossible that a single nation should pay the cost of a 
world war which had already lasted three years and finally lasted more than four years. Germany could not "pay 
everything" to them and consequently the interallied parties would not pay America what they owed. 

This fact has turned out to-day, and ought to be faced with courage. 

At the bottom of the situation lies the inability of Germany to make any further payments, as stated above. 
Therefore the history of postwar- Germany is the basic fact of the whole problem of war-debts, and therefore I, as a 
young German, take the liberty to give my explanation how the terrible plight has come along. 

To realize the German situation of to-day you must go as far back as to 1913, when the German front collapsed 
and the Kaiser fled to Holland, leaving the place to Field- Ma 'shall von Hindenburg, who handled the demobilisation, 
and to the new political masters of Germany, the socialistic party, represented by Ebert, the first President of the 
Reich. This abandonment of power by the former Kaiser was one of the important instances of modern German 
history. Under the auspices of the leading socialists the Treaty of Versailles was signed, and through this so-called 
peace -treaty the period of Germany's total economic ruin was inaugurated. 

The German economic body was robbed of all its removable assets. The armament-factories had to be 
dismantled, everything Germany possessed in the way of war-material including warships had to be delivered or 
destructed under control of the Allied Commissions, railway cars had to be delivered and 90 percent of the commercial 
fleet, even cattle and horses and all sorts of commodities. Germany was robbed of her Colonies in which investments 
amounting to more than 100 milliards marks had been made and of two of the most valuable industrial districts, the 
Alsace-Lorraine and the greater part of Upper-Silesia, not to speak of the ;»ses of agricultural territory to Poland 
and Denmark, which were of minor economic but nevertheless of uncalculabl''4iational importance, — the population 
of those districts belonging to the German race to a percentage far above oS percent. Germany was reduced to 
the utmost state of want as an economic body. It is not generally known that the starvation in a verbal sense which 
had held Germany in its grip during the war. when she was cut off from all resources outside her own territory 
through the hunger-blockade, lasted until 1921, that is to say full three years after the armistice. It was at that time 
a most generous deed that America under the lead of the later President of the United States. Mr. Herbert Hoover, 
came to the rescue of the starving German babies. Just think of it, that the Versailles Treaty imposed upon 
Germany to deliver 1001)00 milk-cows, supplying on an average scale the food for one million babies. This regulation clearly 
shows that it had not only been the intention of France to foster the reconstruction of her country-, but that they were 

aiming at the generation of Germans to come. 

This Germany, starved and downhearted, was burdened in Versailles with tributes, carrying the hypocritical 
name of "reparations" to an extent nobody would ever have believed to be possible, but true to Mr. Clemeneeau's 
niaxime^ "Le Boche payera tout!". Mr. Lloyd George's book issued last year discloses to the, shocked world, on what 
scale the tributes were fixed; he admits that they were utterly fantastical and had no relation whatever to Germany's 
faculty to pay, although they were mantled to the uninformed world by so called "expert-opinions". 

Nevertheless. Germany's first aim remained to liquidate the war and to begin a new life: Germany had no 
greater wish than to disprove the base slander of her disloyalty and militaristic instincts, which the English whip. 
Lord Northeliffe, the greatest liar in history, had tought the world to identify with anything bearing the name „German". 
The German policy was at that time the "fulfilment-policy", that means that Germany wanted to fulfil the 
Versailles-Treaty in order 

to demonstrate to the world that it would be bled to death in a few years 

by this policy and hoped that the enemy-powers would very soon conceive that they were slowly killing a nation 
of peaceful and industrious men and would become considerate of the atrocity of their action and revise the treaty. 
This was calculated without consideration of the French mentality. France under the impression of her sufferings 
during the war, her natural lust for Glory, Power and Revenge had 

no greater wish than to destroy Germany to the last hut and man. 

When, therefore, in 1923 the point was reached that Germany could no more comply with her obligations — 
a few thousand telegraph poles due as reparation in kind had not been delivered in time — France held out to the 
decisive stroke. In violation of the letter of the Treaty, a fact which was attested by tile British Crown Jurists, she 
invaded the Ruhr-district, the heart of German economic life, where the coal resources and the large heavy-industry 
of Germany are situated. Their declared intention was to fetch themselves the tributes Germany in their opinion 
wilfully withheld them. This was the second turning point in the post-war history of Germany. Germany at last 
realized that it was impossible to go on in this way and resolved to take up "passive resistance" against France to 
the last. .\il factories and mines in the occupated districts were closed down, and the Reich indemnified the men 
out of work. This Ruhr-fight which lasted from the beginning of January until middle of September under tin- lead 
of Chancellor Dr. Cuno trespassed the power of Germany. All reserves of the people were used to pay the fight, 
which was effected by unrestricted printing of paper money with the result that the currency, one German mark, 
dropped from ton for the dollar at the beginning of the light to 4 billions 200 milliards for the dollar at the end. 



#37 



Cb\)ef} 



This first action of resistance of the German people against the policy of France, turned out to be above the 
physical strength of the people, and was Germany's second defeat in ten years, but it was a moral success. The 
French occupation of the Ruhr district was withdrawn in exchange to a declaration of merely formal character that the 
passive resistance would be abandoned. The sympathy of the world had changed in favour of the German people, 
and even in France it succeeded in melting down the feeling's of hatred and revenge. 

The latter fact deluded the German people to take up an attitude of forgivefulness against France 

in the belief that Francs would perhaps now heartily accept the proffered hand. 

At first this attitude appeared to be the right course, for what followed was the period known under the name of 
Locarno -policy, when two really honest men, Briand on the one side and Stresemann on the other, tried to bring 
about a final settlement of the burning questions between the two nations. 

Yet the Locarno policy failed in the long run. It had for some time been able to weaken the nationalistic 
instincts of the two people, especially so in Germany where the Hitler movement was reduced to insignificance. 
New efforts were made to come to final settlements of the question of Germany's payments, the two outstanding 
instances carry the name of American nun. namely the Dawes- and the Young-plans of 1925 and 19:!) respectively. 
These instruments were used by the French policy in the old reckless way, and the understanding of Briand and 
Stresemann was not sufficient to effectuate the high ideas of the Locarno policy. When Stresemann died, the period 
of Locarno had outlived itself, 

for there remained the contrast between the words of peace 
and the dseds of hatred on the side of France. 

Stresemann had all the time met with the wild opposition on the part of two nationalistic parties. The more 
rigorous of the two was the National Socialistic party who have their seats on the extreme right of the German Diet 
(Reichstag). They had predicted the necessary failure of the Locarno policy. When this turned out to be true and 
the fact was recognized by a very large portion of the German people the amazing rise of that party began. 

To-day the movement is supported by 1-1 millions of electors, and has become the first power in Germany 
besides the Reichspresident von Hindenburg whose poll at .he last elections was nearly 20 million votes. It is 
necessary for this reason to look into the plans and ideas of the leading men of this movement. When one day 
Reichspresident von Hindenburg, who is 85, dies or resigns, they will be the men in power. They might have 
obtained the executive power already to-day had they not made the mistake to lead a very ugly election -campaign 
in favour of their leader, Adolf Hitler, against the old Reichspresident whose reelection was in question. It would in 
the opinion of many Germans have been quite sufficient to put up one of their minor leaders as candidate for the 
Presidency, they would in this case not have been driven into such extremities, which shocked and hurt the old 
gentleman in power. Hindenburg, without being resentful, cannot forget the treatment of his person the National 
Socialists thought proper at that time, and his conclusion is that a party with so little self-discipline is not fit for being 
endowed with the entire executive power, which they demanded after the elections to the Reichstag of July 31 st 1932 
and which would have been due to them on account of their strength. 

You may sum up the policy of the National Socialists in the word 
„policy of disappointment". 

I think I have made it clear that Germany has a right to feel disappointed after the experience of the last 14 years, 
and the National Socialists give this feeling most vivid expression. They do not wish to be disappointed once more, 



and so they decline any sort of coope«tion with any other party be it in the interior German politics or in the sphere 
of foreign relations. They declare thr»r deliberation to rely only on their own strength in future, and on the other 
hand they will not allow "any other people in the world to mix up with German affairs. They will no more pay one 
cent in the way of reparations in future, for Germany has overpaid more than twice or thrice the damages that 
were done by the warfare of the Central powers. The countries who still count upon substantial payments from 
Germany on account of the agreement of Lausanne will live to see Germany (that is to say the Germany of to-morrow, 
the so-called "Dritte Reich") tear any treaty or agreement which has been imposed upon Germany by her former 
enemies. They will have henceforth to face their own difficulties which lie in the domain of international payments. 

Allow me to let you draw your own conclusions out of this situation, I only wish to add that the program of 
the National Socialistic party is not merely negative. It embraces a sound plan of reconstruction which mainly lies 
in the sphere of interior economic policy and of tariffs. 

If Mr. Ferdinand Hansen, whose ideas I learnt to know out of his „Opco"-books and pamphlets in the library 
of the Hamburg University and also to be found in all American Public and University Libraries and whose 
indefatigable fight for Truth and Justice in good and bad times I admire from my whole heart, will kindly give me 
an opportunity to publish a second article, information about this subject of world-wide importance will follow in due course. 

Wolfgang von Ranke 
Student 
Hamburg University. 



To the American Reader. 



If young von Ranke gets enough response to this article I will gladly 
give him a chance to write an other one; also print your responses. 
I believe it will help to a better understanding. 



co Romanoff Caviar Company 

247 Park Avenua, New-York 

p. Adr. Romanoff Caviar Company 

31. Monckebergstraasa, Hamburg 



:1 l-.i .'• ' 



Ferdinand Hansen. 



August 1932. 



PRINTED BY 



W. KAMMERER 




oZfifiR^ 



HAMBURG 8 



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'Second letter 

To the American Students 



X-D 

by Wolfgang von Ranke. 



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Winn I wrote my first appeal to you, my follow American Students, more than one month ago, I did not mention 
one question which is now in the front of international political discussions: Germany's demand for equality of 
status in matlers of armaments. 

"The question had not at that time heen forced into the front yet by Germany", you will say with a reproach- 
ful fall in your voices, "Germany had at that time not yet made her untimely demand which causes such unnecessary 
perturbation of the political atmosphere". — You will say so, if you accept the tone in which the English memor- 
andum is held, issued by the British Foreign Office in this question on September 17 it> a. c. 

i confess, when I first read this English "reply" I felt as if I had received an unexpected blow in my stomach 
From one I had hitherto considered to be my friend. 1 felt raj self stunned and thrown out by the unexpected 
sharpness of the English language and by the conclusions the English authors of this note pretend to draw out of 
Germany's "untimely move". 

Upon consideration, however, 1 felt somewhat relieved when I remembered that this British Government, 
called a Government of national concentration, was headed by -Mr. Mac Donald, the man who during the war had 
suffered imprisonment for refusing military service. Air. Mac Donald, I recalled, is one of the most solid foundation- 
stones upon which the pacification of the world rests; could it astonish a person that a Government, which in itself 
is a sort of minute Parliament where resolutions are made by majority and not unanimously as in other Governments, 
and which is headed by this unconditional pacifist, Mr. Mac Donald, did find hard language to repudiate any attempt, 
be it from what side it may, to reinforce armaments which in their opinion might eventually lead to bellicose settlement 
of international disputes? Would the ideals of this man allow any other reply to be given to the demand of the 
German people than a strict and unconditional "No"? I felt that it was no accidental coincidence that this British 
reply had been issued only a few days after Mr. Mac Donald had resumed his Governmental work. 

And considering the British note under this angle most of my indignation melted away, for I felt that there 
was something in this reply which showed immoveable determination to prevent any war which might occur in future 
times. In this intention the English view fully coincides with the German view, for Germany has no greater desire 
than to be allowed to go on peacefully in the reconstruction of her own pacification and prosperity, which had here- 
tofore been the prey of a greedy pack of blood-sucking nations. Germany wants to keep up peace to the last for no 
country in the world would lose so much in a future war than she in her utter state of disarmament amidst a world 
staring with the most modern, the most effective and the most cruel weapons ever known. 

This coincidence in views in a "question du fond", as the French say, makes it possible to me to deal 
unpassionately with the English reply which in itself is the worst blow the self-respect of a nation struggling for its 
mere existence could have received coming from quarters which Germany until that day had a right to consider her friends. 

I will not, therefore, speak about the grim irony of the English reply which made the blood tingle in the ears 
of every true German reading the English utterance, I will not deal on the senselessness which lie3 in the fact that 
the English reply did all it could to match or even to surmount the implacability and haughtiness of the French reply 
which really verges to the ridiculous, I will not either comment on the'tactless way in which England refers to the 
outcome of the Eausanne-Conference, as if this new treaty which has until now not been ratified by a single nation 
— nor perhaps ever will be — , had been the most magnanimous present ever given by a group of nations to another. 

What I want to make clear to you, the American readers, is that a new lie — similar to that of Germany's 
war guilt — seems to be germinating in the lines of the English note which in the interest of Germany as well as 
of the rest of the world must be nipped in the bud. I refer to England's insinuation as if the German "untimely- 
demand" were a new impediment to the trade-revival for which the whole world is longing with ardent desire and 
which at the present time seemed to be dawning upon mankind, if only by slow degrees, yet perceptible enough to 
bring about a considerable boom on the stock-exchange markets of the world. 

The passage of the English reply runs as follows: 

Granted that this question of equality of status would have arisen before the Disarmament Conference 
concluded its work, there is grave disadvantage in forcing it to the front at this stage. Germany has 

suffered, and is suffering, from the prevailing economic depression and widespread unemployment 

In view of Germany's economic difficulties the initiative of acute controversy in the political field at this 

moment must be accounted unwise His Majesty's Government most earnestly hope that nothing 

may be now allowed to intervene which would retard the process of economic recovery, which is so 
urgently necessary and which it will be the task of the approaching "World Economic Conference" to 
promote by every means in its power. 

American Students, please follow me in this important question! Please try to put yourself into the German 
situation just for one moment, and then judge for yourself! 

Here you see Germany, the extent of whose disarmament you can trace in part five of the Versailles Treaty, 
for the treaty has been fulfilled to the last letter by Germany in this respect. To sum it up: 

Germany's army numbers 0919] men, 

including only 7 Regiments of artillery of 9 batteries each with guns of 77 mm and 105 mm, 

and a total of 21 machine-gun companies. 

Mark, Germany has no heavy artillery, no military aircraft, no tanks, no implements for chemical warfare, even no 
gas-masks are allowed to the German army (and to the German population) to protect themselves against an invasion 
from any side whatever. 

On the other side is France: 

She has a standing army of 904 224 men, 

07 Regiments of artillery, including 12 Regiments of heavy artillery, and 1 on railways, 

14 Regiments of aerial forces with 43 050 airplanes and 974 dirigibles for warpurposes, 

10 Regiments of tank-Troops with adequate equipment. 

This France, armed to the teeth and protected by an unsurmountable girdle of modern fortresses, entertains military 
alliances with Poland and Czechoslovakia to mention only two of her many allies, but of whom at least Poland is 
ready to jump into the face of Germany at any moment. 

Poland has 

265 871 men under arms, 

11 Regiments of heavy artillery, and one of protection against airships, 
totally 270 companies of machine-guns (against Germany's 21), 

i battalions of tanks, of 2 to 3 companies each, 

^o<) airplanes foi warpurposes. 






CoOer) 


















These polish forces are within two hours from Berlin by airplane, twenty hours by rail, and only a few davs 
on the highways. Yes, the infamous Versailles treaty has in addition to this menace forced a pole into Germany's 
own flesh by stipulating the Polish Corridor, the most hideous political formation ever known in the history of a great 
nation. Poland will by force of her overwhelming power be in a position to cut off the German motherland without 
any delay at all from one fifth of her territory and one tenth of her population dwelling in East Prussia. Poland has 
paved this Corridor with strategical railway-lines which would bring to the Corridor, situated in the heart of Germany, 
within ten hours as many troops as it desires, cannons, airplanes, tanks and so on. 

In the third place I mention Czechoslovakia. I do this with certain hesitation because I do not wish to sow 
distrust between the two nations who in reality do not feel so wide apart from one another than is the case between 
Germany and Poland, although the latter owe their national independance to Germany who freed them from the 
Russian yoke in 1917. But in any ease Czechoslovakia must be put into the account, for the ties of her military 
alliances with France and Poland woidd any day, should a bellicose dispute arise, call upon them to move their 
forces against Germany. 

Czechoslovakia has an army of 188788 men. 

19 Regiments of heavy artillery and 8 Regiments of defense against aerial warfare, 

340 airplanes and one battalion of tanks. 

To round the picture you must mention that military service conditions in Germany are, that every man must 
serve 12 years according to the Versailles Treaty; in France the term is 1 year of active service, disponibility 3 years, 
lirst reserve 18 years, second reserve 8 years; in Poland active service lasts 2 years, reserve until the -iO tn year of age, 
second reserve until the 5()' h and auxiliary until the 60*; in Czechoslovakia active service is IS months, first reserve 
until the 10 ,h and second until the 60* year of age. This raises the odds in respect to the number of trained soldiers 
by more than six times in disfavour of Germany in any possible combination. 

What do these numbers and facts, collected from the annual report of the League of Nations Information 
Bureau for 1932, mean to the German people? 

They say not more and not less than that the German territory could be overrun by the combined army of 
the nations mentioned above within a few days, if only they wished, and whatever would happen afterwards, Germany 
would be and remain a battlefield, a place of sorrow and destruction. 

It would be mere cynism to refer Germany to the help of the League of Nations and it would be nothing less 
than madness if Germany pinned her faith on this institution in the case of a really serious clashing. Perhaps if you 
are not so well acquainted with Germany's postwar-history, you do not know anything about the attitude of the 
League of Nations when in 1921 Poland invaded German Upper Silesia and in 1923 Memclland invaded East Prussia 
under the eyes of a French Commissioner, but no doubt you will have seen how the League of Nations worked when 
in 1931 and 1932 Japan invaded peaceful China. I have not seen anything more than fruitless protests and committees 
and resolutions, which did not keep the foot of one single Japanese soldier away from Chinese territory. 

Well, gentlemen, do you now think that this situation in which Germany sees itself is a very good starting 
point for economic revival? Do you think that a people which may be swept away from the surface of the earth 
within only a few hours does feel very lively and ambitious to take part in the reconstruction of world prosperity, 
whilst it stands with one foot in the grave? 

My American fellow Students, you will be suprised. Germany does feel so, Germany has no greater wish than 
to partake — and an important part it can play, if you will only let her — , in the reconstruction of peace and trade. 
But you must let her! 

The first thing you must do is to give back Germany s a f e t y , you must allow Germany to feel at home in her own house. 
Germany has for many years set her faith on disarmament, trite to the stipulations of the Versailles Treaty. 
She has collaborated with the best of her forces in the deliberations for world-disarmament. She has signed endless 
numbers of resolutions, she has allowed her own country to be "-aided* up and down by innumerable Committees in 
search of weapons and secret armaments. No failure on her side to comply with the stipulations of the Treaty has 
been proved — and what haa been the outcome in respect to the disarmaments of the other countries? 
England's reply to this question runs thus: 

(The Versailles Treaty) ... is rather an appeal for adjustment based on the fact that the limitation (of 

Germany's armaments) was to be the precursor of general limitation by others. 

His xMajesty's Government do not deny the fact and do not seek to minimize the force of the contention. 
So far as the Government of the United Kingdom are concerned, very large reductions in all departments 
of armaments have been made since the Treaty of Versailles was signed. Nevertheless the United 
Kingdom Government are earnestly collaborating at Geneva in promoting to the utmost of their power 
measures of further disarmament etc. etc. 

I cannot help laughing, although I do not mean any wrong to England who is the least sinner — the big sinners 
have been named — , especially as she has allowed a standard of parity in respect ol naval armaments which made an end 
to the famous British slogan: Britannia rides the waves I Of course, England has no more the whole emergency armament 
she had during the war, the same is true for the United States and many other countries. But does this mean disarmament ? 

For Germany the fact remains that her immediate neighbours are staring with weapons, whilst she herself is 
absolutely inadequately armed. Those odds are a little too much for the German nerves. 

And then, gentlemen, what Germany actually demands by her formidable "action for rearmament", is nothing 
more than that she be allowed to use her budget-means set out for the costly and useless — because inadequately 
armed — Reichswehr in a more senseful way; further that Germany be allowed to train an approportionate militia- 
army as a sort of second-class reserve for the case of real danger. 

Germany's demand is therefore not an assault on prosperity and trade revival, 
but a necessary preliminary condition for the pacification of the world. 

Should Germany's demand at last lead to a really substantial disarmament of the world, and be it only in the 
qualitative sense, that is to say through abolition of heavy artillery, tanks, chemical and aerial warfare, a ..sigh of 
relief would run through Germany and this alleviation of mind would no doubt smooth down many psychological 
obstacles to return to the pacification of the entire world, and this and nothing else is what Germany is aiming at 
through her "untimely move". 

Wolfgang VOn Ranke, Hamburg University. 

P. S. I sincerely believe that it is not an "untimely move" to send to the American 
Students this second letter by Wolfgang von Ranke, and I would be very pleased if 
you would express to your fellow students in Germany your thoughts on the subject, 
c o Romanoff Caviar Company -3. » \ i~ 

I ,\A . .; At Ferdinand Hansen. 



247 Park Avenue, New-York 

p. Adr. Romanoff Caviar Company 

31, Monckebergstrasse, Hamburg 



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Deutschland und 
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A Letter To A Hitlerite 






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By William Albert Noyes, PH. D. 



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Reprinted From 
"The Johns Hopkins Alumni Magazine, March, 1934" 



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A Letter To A Hitlerite 

By WILLIAM ALBERT NOYES, Ph. D., 1882 

*Not long ago I received 8 letter from a friend in Ger- 
many who wrote: "We have had a renaissance and unifica- 
tion in Germany. Ail passed off quietly and we have peace 
because Hitler has known how to suppress the fear of com- 
munism." Knowing of the rigid censorship, I questioned 
whether those in Germany know what Is going on there as 
well as wa do. The reply was a very long letter defending 
Hitlsrism. My correspondent is a highly cultured person 
with university training. This repjy may be of interest to 
others who may not have read "Mein Kampf." 



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Distributed by 

Information and Service Associates 

169 Madison Avenue 

N. Y. C. 



BEFORE answering your kind and frank letter, I wished 
to read Hitler's "Mein Kampf" so that I might form an 
independent judgment of just what his program is. 

I think we must probably begin by agreeing that wa are 
not likely to hold the same views about democracy. After 
our experience of more than one hundred and fifty years in 
the United States, I am thoroughly convinced that a system 
of government under which the people choose their repre- 
sentatives freely and have the power to change them when 
thsy no longer hold their confidence, is safest and best. 

I can well understand that the German people look back 
with longing to the "good old days" before the war and 
that they are bound to ascribe many of their difficulties for 
the past fifteen years to the democratic form of govern- 
ment, when they are in reality chiefly due to the loss of the 
war and to the profiteering of her own citizens. I also un- 
derstand that after centuries of autocratic rulers Germany 
was not well prepared for democracy and did not accept 
it whole-heartedly because they thought it had been dic- 
tated by the enemy. Germany continued the autocratic 
rule long after genuine democracy had been established in 
England and in France. 

Under American democracy we have recently chosen a 
President to whom we have given almost dictatorial power. 
Most of us believe he is using these powers wisely, in the 
interest of the whole people and not in the interest of any 
particular class, and we have a strong hope that many in- 
justices of long standing will be corrected. 

Last week we had a meeting of the American Historical 
Association here. One session was devoted to a discussion 
of dictators. The report of an address on "The Pattern of 
a Dictator," published in the daily paper issued by the 
students of the University, says: 

Professor Lutz stressed the importance of the spy 
system under the regime of the three great dictator- 
ships of Russia, Italy, and Germeny and listed the con- 
centration of power in one reader, a pedantic bureau- 
cracy, the denial of civit rights, violence again«t in- 
ternal critics, the use of propaganda and regimentation 
in education, and the need of » scapegoat, as common 
to these governments. 

I think you will agree that all these characteristics are to 
be found in Hitler's government. 



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TERRAMARE PUBLI CATIONS 



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EOitefc by RicharD iytannig 

No. 1 







Xadol^hltler 






A SHORT SKETCH OF HIS LIFE 

BY 

PHILIP^/BOUHLER 



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PUBLISHED BY TERRAMARE OFFICE, BERLIN 












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ADOLF HITLER 

A SHORT SKETCH OF HIS LIFE 

BY 

PHILIPP BOUHLER 

Head of the Fiihrers Personal Chancellery 



1938 



TERRAMARE OFFICE, BERLIN W$